Highways and Byways in Cambridge and Ely — Reading Notes
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hey were cultivated upon the three course system; every landholder having the right to pasture a proportionate number of cattle on the fallow of the year, as well as in the Common Meadows. The Common Fields of Cambridge comprised about five square miles, with the inhabited part of the township nearly in the centre, and roughly coincided with the existing Parliamentary Borough, though somewhat more extensive.
This inhabited part, the mediæval town of Cambridge, was comprised, (at least from the tenth century to the eighteenth,) in the space bounded by the river on the west, and on the east by a ditch, known finally as the "King's Ditch," from having been widened by Henry the Third in the Barons' War. This ditch left the Cam at the "King's Mill," (the modern representative of which still stands just above Silver Street Bridge,) and proceeded along the line of Mill Lane, Pembroke Street, Tibbs Row, Hobson Street, and Park Street, to fall into the river again opposite Magdalene College. Beyond the "Great Bridge," from which the place derived its name, a small cluster of houses climbed the steep bank, on the summit of which stood the Castle. Our earliest records show this area as by no means thickly covered with houses. Not only the inhabitants, but all their cattle lived in it; so there must have been many little farmyards and gardens interspersed amongst the dwellings.
Domesday Book gives the number of these as only 400, and a couple of centuries later, in 1279, when the University was already in full existence, there were scarcely more. By the middle of the eighteenth century this number had trebled. But even in 1801, as may be seen in Lyson's plan of the town, the King's Ditch, which was then still an open watercourse, remained substantially the boundary of inhabited Cambridge. And the vast suburban extensions in the areas of Barnwell, Newnham, Chesterton, and Cherry Hinton are mostly very recent indeed; the bulk in fact belonging to the last half century. Their rise, and the continuous intrusion of ever fresh University and College buildings, has had the effect of once more depleting the area of mediæval Cambridge, which to-day contains barely 800 houses. The whole of the University buildings, whether ancient or modern, are contained within this area, with the exception of the Colleges of Peterhouse, Pembroke, Christ's and Jesus (which together with a few of the Museums, stand just beyond the Ditch), and the New Court of St. John's College, which is on the other side of the river, in the old Common Field. The ecclesiastical and feminine foundations similarly situated, Selwyn College, Westminster College, Ridley Hall, Newnham College, and Girton College, are not recognised by the University as being strictly "Colleges" at all.
Such was old Cambridge; with its eleven ancient parishes of St. Peter, St. Giles, St. Clement, Holy Trinity, St. Michael, St. Mary (the greater), St. Edward, St. Benet, St. Botolph, All Saints, and St. John (which was destroyed to make room for King's College). Before the twelfth century closed three more churches were added, those of the Holy Sepulchre, of St. Peter (now St. Mary's the less) outside the "Trumpington Gate," of St. Andrew (the greater) outside the Barnwell Gate, and St. Andrew (the less) in the detached suburb which grew up round the great "Abbey" (really an Augustinian Priory) of Barnwell.
Old Cambridge probably owed its constitution--(quite possibly its very existence)--to the genius with which "the Children of Alfred," Edward the Elder and his Sister, the "Lady of the Mercians," reorganised the Midlands after the great cataclysm of the Danish wars, which in the previous generation had swept over the district, obliterating all earlier landmarks and boundaries. One pirate horde, under the most renowned of all their chieftains, Guthrum--the deadliest antagonist, and afterwards the most faithful ally, of our great Alfred,--had for a space settled themselves in Cambridge, and from that strategic position overawed East Anglia on the one hand and Mercia on the other.[2]
[Footnote 2: The kingdom of Mercia comprised the Midlands, and was (roughly) bounded on the north by the Humber and Mersey, on the west by Wales, on the south by the Thames, and on the east by the Cam and the Lea.]
The Cambridge which they sacked was not, however, as it would seem, the later mediæval town which we have been already considering, but a much smaller stronghold on the western bank of the River, comprising what is now known as "Castle End," and is still sometimes called "the Borough" _par excellence_. At this point the Cam, one bank or other of which is usually swampy even now, and was actually swamp in early days, is touched by higher and firmer ground on both sides. The height to the west is quite respectable, rising some eighty feet above the stream. Here, therefore, and here alone, was there of old any convenient passage-way for an army; the river elsewhere forming an almost insuperable barrier to military operations, from the Fens almost to its source. Such a site was sure to be amongst the earliest occupied; and we find, accordingly, that both Romans and Anglo-Saxons (presumably Mercians) successively held it. Most probably it was also a British site; but the great Castle mound, which earlier antiquaries attributed to the Britons, has been shown by Professor Hughes to be, mainly at least, a Norman work.
This site was the original Cambridge, and may even have been called by that very name in its earliest form. For it is hard not to identify the Roman settlement (which the spade shows to have existed here) with the "Camboritum," which from the "Itinerary of Antoninus" (an official road book, probably of the third century A.D.) must have been somewhere in this immediate neighbourhood. And the word Camboritum is plausibly derived from the British _Cam Rhydd_ "the ford of the Cam." Cam (which, being interpreted, signifies crooked) may well have been the British name for a stream with so tortuous a course. But, if so, it was not continuously used, so far as records can tell us.
The Roman Camboritum doubtless shared the almost universal destruction of Roman stations which marked the English conquest of Britain; and the site is described as still "a waste chester" two centuries later, when the monks of Ely sought amid the ruins for a stone coffin in which to entomb their foundress, St. Ethelreda. By this time the older name both of the town and of the river seems to have been forgotten. The latter was called, by the English, the Granta, and the former was accordingly known only as Granta-ceaster--the chester, or ruined Roman city, upon the Granta. (It should be noted that the village now called Grantchester was, till comparatively recent days, known as Grant-set.)
Yet another century, and we find, in the days of King Egbert, the grandfather of Alfred and the first King acknowledged by the whole English nation, that a bridge had been built (or rebuilt) over the old ford; and therewith the old site of Camboritum had been reoccupied under the new name of Granta-bridge, by which it is known throughout mediæval history. We do not meet with "Cambridge" in literature till the fourteenth century, nor with "Cam" till almost the date of "Camus, reverend sire," in Milton's Lycidas.
However this may be, it is pretty certain that the Cambridge on which Guthrum, in the year 872, marched from Repton was the "Borough" of Castle End. After holding, or, as one chronicler (Gaimar) would have us believe, only besieging it, for a whole year, the Danish host hastily made off to Wareham in Dorsetshire, to take part in that life and death struggle in the west which began with Alfred's great naval victory off Swanage, then drove him into hiding at Athelney, and ended with the Peace of Wedmore. By that treaty all England north of the Watling Street was ceded to the Danes as an under-kingdom, the "Dane-Law"; Guthrum, now a Christian and Alfred's godson, being set on the throne. Cambridge thus became undisputedly a Danish town. The district around was divided "with a rope" (_i.e._ by chain measure) amongst the invaders, and submitted as an organic whole, some half century later, to King Edward the Elder. It was probably at this time that the town began to extend itself into the East Anglian district to the east of the Cam. (Throughout its whole length the river, with its marshy banks, was the boundary between the old English kingdoms of Mercia and East Anglia; and traces of this are to be found in the distinctive customs of adjoining villages, on one side or the other of the stream, even to this day.) The "Saxon," or Romanesque, tower of St. Benet's Church, may well be of this date, erected by the English inhabitants dispossessed of their homes in the Borough by the conquering Danes who lorded it over them.
After its submission to Edward the Elder, Cambridge began its career as a County Town, giving its name, (as was the case in nearly all these new Edwardian counties,) to the surrounding district, which thus became known as Grantabrig-shire. The name covered only the southern part of the present county; for the Isle of Ely was reconstituted under the ancient jurisdiction of its great abbots and bishops. To this day, indeed, it has its own separate County Council, and even a separate motor-car lettering. The new political unit soon began to display no small local patriotism; for we read that in the fatal battle of Ringmere, fought on Ascension Day, 1010, between the fresh Danish invaders, who were then pouring over the land, and the united forces of East Anglia under the hero Ulfcytel, "soon fled the East English. There stood Grantabryg-shire fast only."
The victorious Danes, naturally, proceeded to wreak special vengeance on such obstinate foes. The county was ravaged with a ferocity even beyond the usual Danish harryings, and Cambridge itself was sacked and burnt. When it arose from its ashes, in the quieter days of the Danish Canute, the first "King of England," (his native predecessors having been Kings "of the English,") it was organised, Danish fashion, into ten Wards, each with its own "Lawman." In the reign of Edward the Confessor, it had, as we have seen, 400 dwelling-houses (_masurae_), not urban cottages closely packed in rows, but mostly tenements of the farmhouse type, each with its farmyard, the abodes of the husbandmen who owned and tilled the Common Fields of the town.
This number of houses shows Cambridge to have been at this time an important place, equal in population to a whole average "Hundred," with its ten villages; and as such we find it counted for legal purposes under the Norman and Plantagenet dynasties. But its Common Fields were by no means proportionately extensive,[3] so that many of the inhabitants must already have depended upon trade for their living.
[Footnote 3: An ordinary "Hundred" contained an area some five miles square, instead of the five square miles which was that of old Cambridge.]
If Cambridge fared ill at the hands of the Danes, it fared little better at those of the Normans. William the Conqueror made the place his headquarters in his operations against Hereward's "Camp of Refuge" at Ely. This resulted in the ruin of fifty-three out of the 400 houses, besides twenty-seven more pulled down to make room for his new Castle, which with its outworks and huge central keep occupied the greater part of the old Roman site to the west of the Bridge. The loss of these eighty houses probably brought down the population to little over 2,000 souls. Even with this reduction, however, the town might still claim to rank in the first class of English cities at the time; and this is shown by the growth of a Jewry within its walls, in the area bounded by St. John's College, Trinity College, and Bridge Street. For the Jews, (who first came into England as camp-followers of the Norman invaders,) naturally struck for the wealthier towns in which to form their settlement. As the place grew in importance Religious Houses began rapidly to spring up in and around it; the first being the great Augustinian Abbey of Barnwell, founded by Picot, the Sheriff of Cambridge under William the Conqueror.
The next generation saw Augustinian Canons settled in the town itself, at the Hospital (now the College) of St. John; and Benedictine nuns at the Priory of St. Radegund just beyond the King's Ditch, where their conventual church is still used as the Chapel of Jesus College. A century later, and friars of all the Orders came flocking into Cambridge; the Grey Franciscans, the Black Dominicans, the White Carmelites, the Austin Friars, the Friars of the Sack, the Friars of Bethlehem. The sites occupied by the first three of these names are to-day represented by the Colleges of Sidney, Emmanuel, and Queens'. Friars always made for the chief centres of life, and by the thirteenth century Cambridge had become emphatically such, by the rise of that institution destined to give it a perennial fame, the University.
How this rise of the University came about is an as yet unsolved problem in history. As in the case of Oxford, the great name of Alfred was invoked, by unscrupulous mediæval fabricators, as concerned in its foundation. And it is possible that there may be really traceable some distant connection with that great saint and hero. For Alfred actually did found amidst the ruins of Ely, after its sack by the Danes, a small College of priests, which lived on to be the nucleus of the restored Abbey in the days of his grandson Edgar the Peaceful. And it is also historical fact that this restored Abbey was specially renowned for the famous school attached to it--so famous as to count amongst its scholars more than one future monarch. Furthermore we know that the Ely monks taught in Cambridge also, and this may well have been the first germ of the University.
At any rate it is certain that, in 1209, when the schools of Oxford were for a while closed by the Government, as the outcome of a more than usually outrageous "rag," large numbers of the students migrated to Cambridge; which seems to point to the place having already some educational repute. From henceforward, at all events, it attained European reputation in this respect, for, in 1229, we find another batch of expelled students, this time from Paris, settling themselves here, and yet another swarm of Oxonians twenty years later.
The University had now become an organic body, with its Chancellor, its masters, and its scholars or "clerks," so called because, being not wholly illiterate, the Law considered them as potential members of the clerical profession, and gave them special immunities accordingly. They were not amenable to lay jurisdiction, but only to the milder "Courts Christian," in which the death-penalty was never inflicted. It seems not infrequently to have been deserved; for the earliest undergraduates were, at first, an utterly lawless lot, and made themselves most unpleasant neighbours to the "burgesses" of the Town.
When first they made their appearance the inhabitants of Cambridge had just bought the right to call themselves by this dignified name. This bargain was the upshot of a Royal visit in 1207 from King John, who, in consideration of a payment of 250 marks, (equivalent to £5,000 at the present value of money,) granted Cambridge a Charter of Incorporation, with the right to be governed by a Provost and bailiffs of their own (instead of by the King's Sheriff), and to regulate their own markets. Twenty years later, (by a further contribution to the royal purse,) the Provost acquired the higher title of Mayor.
But almost simultaneously, his prerogatives began to be curtailed by the rising power of the University, to whose "Taxers" was given, in 1231, the sole right of fixing the rents which might be demanded for lodgings from the inrushing swarm of students; while the regulation of the market weights and measures became vested in the Proctors. The authority of the Taxers died out when the Collegiate system became universal, but has been revived in recent days by the "Lodging-house Syndicate": that of the Proctors over the Market has become obsolete; not so long, however, but that, to this day, there may be seen, in the possession of the Senior Proctor for each year, an iron cylinder, a yard long and an inch in diameter, which was, not so many decades ago, the standard test for the dimensions of every roll of butter sold in Cambridge. For butter in Cambridge was retailed by the inch; a custom which still lingers on sporadically amongst our vendors.
The student population speedily became far more numerous than the townsfolk, and their accommodation must have been no small problem. At first the need was met wholly by private enterprise: University lodgers thronged the private houses and the annexes, or "hostels," as they are named, run up for their sole use by speculative landlords. These hostels gradually attained to more or less of official recognition by the University, and paved the way for the setting up of Colleges.
The first actual College was Peterhouse, founded by Hugh de Balsham, Bishop of Ely, in 1284, and was of the nature of an experiment, the success of which it took a whole generation to establish. Once proved, a host of imitators appeared; and the following generation saw no fewer than seven similar foundations, Michaelhouse and King's Hall (the germs of Trinity College), Clare, Pembroke, Gonville, Trinity Hall, and Corpus Christi College. Then came a break of a century, followed by another outburst of zeal, which in the next hundred years produced yet another seven: King's, Queens', St. Catharine's, Jesus, Christ's, St. John's, and Magdalene. The last four of these were earlier religious and scholastic foundations remodelled; and a like process during the half century succeeding the Reformation has given us the Colleges of Trinity, Caius, Emmanuel, and Sidney. Not till the nineteenth century was the list added to by the appearance of Downing.
The original idea in all these foundations was to provide, not so much for the students as for the masters who taught them. To these it was an immense advantage to be able to dwell together in small groups and in quiet quarters, where they could engage in research and prepare their lectures, shut away from the turmoil of the seething crowd of Town and Gown in the streets. And it speedily appeared that if the seclusion of a College was helpful to the teacher it was even more helpful to the taught. For the test applied to students by the University before conferring upon them a Degree was by public disputations in the schools, each candidate having to support or oppose some literary or scientific thesis.
The memory of these wordy "opponencies" is still preserved in the denomination of "Wrangler" bestowed on the candidates who obtain a First Class in the Mathematical Examination for an "Honour" Degree, and by every examination through which such a Degree can be obtained being called a "Tripos,"[4] from the three-legged stool which played a notable part in those old ordeals. The test demanded steadiness of nerve and readiness of wit, as well as mere knowledge; and, in all these, the Scholar of a College, well catered and cared for, was far better equipped than his lawless, and often all but foodless, non-Collegiate competitor.
[Footnote 4: Till the nineteenth century was well advanced the Mathematical Tripos was the only avenue to the attainment of "Honours" at Cambridge; so that even such a distinguished scholar as Lord Macaulay was debarred from them by his inability to pass that examination, and had to content himself with the lower status of an "Ordinary" or "Poll" Degree (so called from the Greek [Greek: polloi] = many, as being the refuge of the common herd of candidates). Triposes in many other branches of knowledge, classical, scientific, legal, historical, and linguistic, have since been added.]
Conybeare opens by acknowledging that Cambridgeshire's highways are 'usually regarded as unattractive'—flat, treeless stretches to be crossed quickly. But he insists the byways 'abound with picturesque nooks and corners': thatched cottages, willow-shaded watercourses, and village churches of high artistic and historical interest. The book's structure itself mirrors this contrast: the highways lead to the towns of Cambridge and Ely, which 'make up for it by the supreme beauty and interest of their passage,' while the byways reward the traveller who ventures into country lanes.
The author's stated purpose is to introduce readers to 'the unique interest of these two places, with special regard to the points mostly passed over in guide-books.' This editorial note examines how the catalog subjects—'Description and travel' for Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely—are borne out by the excerpts, and where the text's actual focus diverges from those broad labels.
Highways versus Byways: A Structural Principle
The preface establishes a clear dichotomy: highways are functional, byways are charming. This is not merely a rhetorical flourish but a structural principle. The book devotes substantial space to Cambridge and Ely—the 'highway' destinations—but also promises that exploration of country lanes is 'time well spent.' The excerpt on Royston exemplifies the byway approach: it traces the town's origin to a Roman road junction, a wayside cross, and a priory dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury, then follows the later history of a prehistoric 'dene hole' turned hermitage. Conybeare's method is to move from a physical feature (the Icknield Way, the Ermine Street) to a chain of human events, often spanning centuries. The catalog subject 'Description and travel' thus understates the book's historical depth; it is as much a local history as a travel guide.
The Royston Excursus: Evidence of the Author's Method
The Royston passage, though a small sample, reveals Conybeare's characteristic voice: precise about topography ('the Icknield Way, here crossed by another presumably British and certainly Roman road, the Ermine Street'), alert to etymology ('Roesia's Town, or Royston'), and fond of curious details (the hermit's rope ladder 'twenty-five feet long'). He does not merely describe; he explains how a place came to be. The cave's 'bottle-shaped excavation' is linked to prehistoric chalk mining, then to a twelfth-century hermit, then to its rediscovery after 250 years of oblivion. This layering of time—prehistoric, Roman, medieval, Reformation, modern—is typical of the book's approach. The catalog subject 'Description and travel' fits, but the excerpts show a work more invested in narrative archaeology than in picturesque scenery alone.
What the Catalog Subjects Omit
The catalog lists 'Cambridgeshire (England) — Description and travel' and 'Isle of Ely (England) — Description and travel,' but the excerpts reveal a strong emphasis on ecclesiastical history and the survival of medieval institutions. The Royston section dwells on the Priory's suppression, the rededication of its church to St. John the Baptist (to avoid Henry VIII's 'bête noire, Thomas à Becket'), and the persistence of 'Becket Fair' into the twentieth century. Conybeare also notes the legal curiosity that Royston's magistrates could cross the Icknield Way to exercise authority in either Cambridgeshire or Hertfordshire. These details are not strictly 'description' or 'travel' but rather historical and administrative commentary. Readers expecting a straightforward itinerary may be surprised by the density of antiquarian digression. The book's subtitle—'with special regard to the points mostly passed over in guide-books'—is a more accurate guide to its contents than the catalog subjects.
Conybeare's work rewards the reader who enjoys following a single road—the Icknield Way, for instance—through multiple centuries of use and reuse. The excerpts suggest that the book is best approached not as a continuous narrative but as a series of linked essays, each anchored to a specific location. Readers may wish to consult a map alongside the text, as the author assumes familiarity with the region's geography. The illustrations by Frederick L. Griggs, though not sampled here, are integral to the volume's character; they complement the text's focus on architectural and landscape detail.
That grey afternoon, the Cambridgeshire fens felt endless, and the book’s quiet insistence on neglected stone details lingered with me. Later, searching for something else entirely, I stumbled upon a collection that traces a similar patient eye toward northern capitals. Capitals of the Northlands: Tales of Ten Cities — Text and Context felt like the next bench on that same long walk, unhurried and receptive.
Ava Torres
1 week agoHarper Roberts
4 weeks ago-
Timothy Andrew Davis - 1 month ago
This is a solid travel companion for exploring Cambridge and Ely, with plenty of useful information about the main sights and some entertaining historical tidbits. However, the book feels a bit dated, and some of the recommended routes may not align with current pedestrian access. Still, if you're a fan of classic travel writing, it's a pleasant read and a nice addition to your collection. -
Darryl Cox - 3 weeks ago
The writing is overly verbose and meandering, making it difficult to extract practical information. The author's constant digressions into personal musings become tiresome, and the lack of clear maps or up-to-date details is frustrating. As a modern travel guide, it falls short, and as a literary work, it fails to hold interest. There are much better resources available for visiting these cities. -
Jacqueline Tyler - 1 week ago
A charming and beautifully written guide to the historic cities of Cambridge and Ely. The author's deep knowledge of the region shines through, as he weaves together architectural details, historical anecdotes, and local legends with effortless grace. The walking tours are well-planned, and the hidden gems he points out are delightful. Whether you're a first-time visitor or a longtime resident, this book will enrich your appreciation of these remarkable places. Highly recommended!
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Isabella Scott
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